I chose The Canal House by Mark Lee for the June book club selection for all my chapters of The Pulpwood Queens Book Clubs, the largest "meeting and discussing" in America, 13 chapters strong, nearly 300 members. Mostly because I had never read anything quite like this book before. Mark had opened up a world I will probably never experience and in such a way I felt that I was there in his war-torn world. We were lucky enough to have Mark come and visit all the chapters and the stories, oh the stories. In fact, when we did discuss the books the characters were discussed as if they were real people.
I highly reccommend reading this book and note that this is one writer to watch. Mark is taking us as readers to places that we have never been before both physically and spiritually. I know The Pulpwood Queens Book Clubs have crowned him KING for the Day. May his books reign on our shelves forever!
Tiara wearing and Book bearing,
Kathy L. Patrick
The Pulpwood Queen of East Texas and
Hairdresser to the Authors...

The fact that this book isn't a best-seller is outrageous. I bought it because a friend read it in her book club, and I am not only recommending it for my book club but am also recommending it to everyone I know who is in a book club. It's such a great story, and I loved the characters. It reminded me what life is all about.

Mark Lee has written an exceptionally involving novel that manages to be both fast-paced and accessible while telling subtle, multilayered, interlinked stories of developing friendship, love, tragedy and the reawakening of human commitment. Confided to us in alternating sections by a male American war photographer and by a female English doctor who both have a fatal attraction for working in the World's war zones, the novel vividly involves us in the lives of bush pilots, peace-keeping troops, American hostages, charity workers, fund-raiser party-planners, news magazine editors, child soldiers, the super-rich, and the wounded, starving poor, and more, while traveling through the Italian and British haunts of war correspondents, the refugee camps and combat zones of East Africa and Indonesia, and the offices and hunting grounds of the wealthy who patronize refugee charities. Both in his simple but evocative language and in his rare ability to convincingly set a story of love and loss against the keenly observed ironies, horrors, fascinations, and tragedies of war, Lee is evocative of Hemingway at his best.

Many Americans have probably never heard of East Timor, and most of us--including those who are active followers of world affairs--would probably have some difficulty pinpointing it on a map. Arnold Kohen does a remarkable job of introducing this unfamiliar land. It's very hard not to feel sympathy and a healthy dose of admiration for the inhabitants of this long embattled nation. The book simultaneously serves as a hagiography of East Timor's heroic favorite son, and Bishop Belo's extraordinary life greatly enhances the work's inspirational level.

Among East Timor's striking characteristics is the fact that it may be the strongest seat of Catholicism on Earth today. Over 85% Catholic (less than half was in the 1960's) its rate of practicing members puts most other countries to shame. The cathedral's 6 a.m. weekday Mass regularly has an overflow crowd of 1000+. John Cardinal O'Connor once told Bishop Belo how envious he was at East Timor's teeming seminarians. Even its Indonesian occupiers concede the Church's massive influence. Although they disdain Bishop Belo for his tireless devotion to human rights, they often unhappily allow him to mediate disputes with Timorese resistance fighters.

The East Timorese greatly need this faith because the world has turned a blind eye toward the genocide inflicted upon them. Those of us in America who seethed under the reign of Bill Clinton probably never realized how culpable he was for tacitly approving these crimes against humanity. The author on numerous occasions sites examples where the United States after decades of inexplicable silence at Indonesia predation became a veritable proponent when Clinton--abandoning his campaign rhetoric about the suffering East Timorese--wanted expanded trade with the highly populated interloper. Bishop Belo is probably the only person in history to be awarded a Nobel peace Prize without a word of praise or congratulations from the Unites States Government because it was bestowed at a very inconvenient time for pending trade deals.

The island nation faces an uncertain future, and all Catholics and others concerned with human rights should monitor the situation closely. Despite the unending brutal assaults bravely endured by the East Timorese citizens, their bold faith is a good omen that eventually their struggle will be victorious.

Many books have already been written about the tragic events of East Timor between 1998 and today, namely since when the regime of president Suharto of Indonesia collapsed, and the territory started on its slow, exciting, yet very painful path towards independence. Some books are more academic, others more journalistic and speculative. This book by Arnold Kohen, a long-time East Timor expert, makes it clear that the author is no academic or journalist in search of quick success. He is someone who has followed East Timor for a while, and has also been active and become known as a prominent East Timor lobbyist. He has now been able to recollect in this book some excellent material, excellently edited, about Monsignor Belo's role in the struggle for independence. The book is written in a vivid style, it is chilling, it is direct, yet (despite the rather eye-catching and shocking title) without leaving the place to any sensationalism... All the book says is, very unfortunately, totally true. Whether Bishop Belo's struggles could be defined as "epic" is another matter. Meanwhile, this book makes a strong and meaningful contribution to knowledge on the recent events, and also makes excellent, educative and even pleasant, if shocking, reading.

Now that Archbishop Belo has been driven into exile, and his beloved Timor transformed into an abbatoir, this superb book is more important than ever. I will not praise Belo, save to say that I hope that he is eventually canonized. I will just say one thing. This book reveals such a consistent record of perfidy, stupidity, and cupidity on the part of the United States government as to make even the most patriotic man or woman ashamed of being an American. As readers of some of my other reviews will know, I am fairly Conservative Republican. Reading of Fords, Reagans , and Bushes short-sightedness and incompetence in the matter of Timor saddened and enraged me.The only ( slight)point in their favor is that the Democratic Presidents, Carter, and Clinton, were just as bad; Carter through simple incompetence, and Clinton through cowardice and greed. Let it be asaid and said plainly: The Clinton campaign became so dependent on the Riady families money that they turned blind eye to the atroicities occuring in Timor. With the laudable exception of a few republican members of congress such as Malcolm Wallop and Frank Wolf, practically no American public figure-Republican, democrat, or independent- has spoke out on the horrors occuring in Timor. Now, when it may well be too late, the world has begun to wake up.It is time for all men and women of good will, of all political and religous faiths, to cry out "Enough". We cannot be so dependent on the raw materials and sweat shop produced sneakers and toys emanating from Indonesia that we would let theese horrors continue. I am going to phone and write every member of congress I know, asking them that they vote to discontinue ALL foriegn aid to Indonesia. I will also openly ask ALL presidential candidates- Republican, Democratic, and independent,if they will continue to support our bankrupt policy toward this outlaw state, Indonesia. I hope EVERY responsible American does the same.I beg my fellow Americans;have the courage to read this book, and the sensitivity to be outraged by what it contains.

In this trilogy, Kerry Collison captures 3 decades of Indonesian political upheaval from the standpoint of someone who has actually lived through most of what he writes about. When I first picked up Freedom Square I felt it must be strongly based on fact - after reading recently declassified State Department documents on the US role in Indonesia at that time, I find that the books are even more fact-based than I had thought. Before reading them, I knew almost nothing about Indonesia except that it sounded exotic. After reading them, I can't understand how I could have been satisfied with that level of ignorance for so many years.

Collison writes with authority about a subject he knows as well as anyone else in the world. The books are hard to put down, and I lost a LOT of sleep because I couldn't stop turning the pages. If you are interested in exotic locations in general or Indonesia in particular, you must read these books.

An exciting, obviously thoroughly researched trilogy of books which not only carry the reader through the exciting periods commencing with the Years of Living Dangerously to the present but also provide a clever insight into the dangerous machinations of our own political leadership with respect to how we have treated emerging Asian powers. A great read!

What a great way to learn about the Asian cutltures and business practices yet be entertained whilst doing so. I was captured from the outset, the author's style and obvious in depth knowledge of the people and the shadowy world of politics and spies. Kerry B. Collison rates up there with Michener, Forsythe and Wilbur Smith.

This is a unique and invaluable book. It is the only first-person narrative in English of the East Timorese resistance from the 1975 invasion to the 1992 capture of Xanana Gusmão. The cataclysmic events of the Indonesian occupation that have been carefully chronicled before in several third-person accounts are presented here as moments of danger and decision in an individual's life. Pinto, with the editorial help of Jardine, has succeeded in giving the reader a vivid sense of how the East Timorese have struggled and survived through the torrent of violence that has been unleashed upon them. The reader follows Pinto from a worry-free childhood, when he played games such as kalek (which involves knocking fruits out of a certain type of tree), to a danger-filled adolescence and adulthood. At age 13, he fled with his family from his hometown of Remexio (southeast of Dili) while mortar shells and bombs rained down around them. For a year and a half, they lived in a town further south, just out of the Indonesian army's reach. There he learned guerrilla fighting and weekly alternated guard duty on the front line with farm work. Overcoming his initial trepidation and despondency, he gained the resolve to fight until death. When the Indonesian military (ABRI) escalated its counter-insurgency campaign in late 1977, Pinto and his family fled again. The thousands who took refuge in the forested hills became cut off from their food supplies: "sometimes we only had a piece of manioc to eat for the whole day." Each family spent the day hiding from the soldiers and the night searching for food. Pinto, with his parents, siblings and 50 other people, were captured after one year of hardscrabble life in the jungle. ABRI soldiers had forced several recently captured East Timorese to lead them to the others in the forest. His hometown Remexio, where ABRI resettled the captives, was turned into a concentration camp. It was a demoralizing time. He saw his friends, relatives and neighbors die of dysentery and malnutrition. He saw a manacled Xavier do Amaral, the head of the main resistance organization, brought before the townspeople to make a coerced 'apology.' With the help of relatives, Pinto's family soon moved to Dili in late 1978. As many East Timorese were driven out of the forests and into the cities and towns, their terrain of resistance shifted from the liberated zones to the Indonesian-controlled territory. They learned the arts of dissimulation under the harsh conditions of a settler colonialism. Pinto describes how he would appear loyal and submissive before the Indonesians with whom he had to daily interact, while privately dreaming of independence and secretly scheming with friends. Pinto joined an underground movement in Dili in 1983 that worked undetected amidst the occupiers. It was this underground movement, constantly in touch with the guerrillas still in the hills, that was behind the highly visible civil protests of the late 1980s and early 1990s. Pinto, as the head of the underground at that time, reveals the planning behind the actions during the visits of the Pope (October 1989) and the US ambassador John Monjo (January 1990). His eyewitness behind-the-scenes account of the demonstration to the Santa Cruz cemetery on November 12, 1992 and the massacre of 271 people is essential reading on this event. Particularly important is Pinto's narration of how Xanana Gusmao lived underground (literally) in Dili from February 1991 to November 1992. Pinto's unadorned and ordinary prose indicates the mental balance he has been able to maintain through extraordinary experiences, such as his vertiginous mind games with Indonesian intelligence while posing as a double agent and his dangerous overland escape from East Timor. The hyped-up, overcharged spy thrillers of pulp fiction are no match for the terrors of real-life experiences straightforwardly narrated. For those who know little about East Timor, this book makes for an excellent introduction. To complement Pinto's gripping narrative, Jardine has provided background material on Indonesian and US politics in prefatory and concluding essays. Much care has been put into the footnotes, bibliography, and selection of photographs. For those who know much about this tortured half-island, Pinto's inside information reveals much that they would not have known. In sum, this book is a landmark achievement in the literature on East Timor.

Constâncio Pinto's life is an exemple of what it means to live in fear for most of your life and, despite that, maintain a constant sense of justice in a world that's not fair. As a brazilian, I certainly can relate with his testimony - of a catholic, portuguese-speaking man. He describes with incredible simplicity and humanity (and that's why the book is so powerful) all his life as an East Timor resistence member, seeing your friends being killed and being himself brutally tortured and persecuted. East Timor's fight is a methaphor for the most brutal opression vs. the faith in freedom, justice and peace. And with people like Constâncio, we are reminded that peace and justice are always achievable no matter how we suffer and no matter how hard is our struggle.

It is impossible to read this book and to remain uninvolved in the impending need for government aide in East Timor. It is shocking to realize how reluctant the government is to become involved in stoping the holocost that is occuring. This book will educate you, then suggest ways that you can assist in the fight to save East Timor. The pictures are wonderful, and the author has done an excellent job in putting together this book. I look forward to reading other works by Sharon Scharfe.

Excellent and Disturbing. Steve Cox's photographs bring home the tragedy and betrayal of East Timor. Many people are still not aware of the brutal 2 decade occupation of East Timor by the Indonesians- all accomplished with western (mainly British and American) arms. Accomplished with Western complicity. The brutality that occurred in East Timor far eclipsed that of other conflicts (e.g. Iraq, Kososvo) that the West valiantly intervened in, yet not only was there little if any protest from Western governments, but arms sales continued unabated for years. The photographs in this book are powerful indeed and ought to provoke any thoughtful observer to question why did we (the western governments) support Indonesia. A classic example of potent photojournalism.

Having been active in one of the 'constituencies of support' as Ian Martin calls them, I was eager to read the perspective of a senior UN official on the period between Habibie's June 1988 announcement that Indonesia would be willing to grant East Timor wide-ranging autonomy and the arrival on 20 September 1999 of Australian-led INTERFET troops. I was not disappointed.

Ian Martin, former secretary-general of Amnesty International, acted during this period as the UN Special Representative of the Secretary-General for the East Timor Popular Consultation. As such he has a unique perspective on both occurrences on-the-ground in East Timor during that fateful time (he was stationed in Dili and travelled extensively throughout East Timor), and on the overt and discreet diplomatic goings-on within the UN and between governments. In a mere 131 pages of text (plus several useful appendices), Martin creates a very readable and very informative narrative. His keen eye for when to go in-depth into important details and when to merely mention something in passing keeps this small book from being an exhausting or dull memoir. Yet, amazingly, he is very thorough in covering the events and in offering candid analysis of their meaning in hindsight.

Not a fan of the UN, I found his insights and candor regarding the UN in East Timor, Kosovo and other places quite educational. I grew especially to appreciate the role of Kofi Annan in East Timor's independence and in ending the murder and destruction following the 'consultation' vote. Far from a mere bureaucrat, Mr Annan apparently showed real leadership and an iron will when it was most critical to do so. One of the highlights of the book was to read Martin's description of Annan's 10 September statement to Indonesia threatening prosecution for crimes against humanity if it did not immediately request deployment of an international force to stop TMI-supported violence. The following day, Habibie phoned Annan directly 'to call for UN assistance to restore peace and security in East Timor.' (p.112)

My only disappointment in the book turns out to be a minor one: in mentioning the murders of a number of UNAMET pesonnel he fails to give their names, effectively reducing them to statistics. Earlier on, I thought he was downplaying the contribution of NGOs both in East Timor and abroad, but in a later chapter titled International Intervention, Martin describes how 'the nongovernmental East Timor solidarity network had become highly effective during the 1990s' and following the vote 'now went into overdrive.' (p. 106) Martin credits NGOs, human rights organizations, the Catholic church, and even World Bank president James Wolfensohn, who wrote to Habibie less than a week after the vote that 'For the international financial community to be able to continue its full support, it is critical that you act swiftly to restore order, and that your government carry through on its public commitment to honor the referendum outcome.' (p. 108)

This is an excellent book and the International Peace Academy is to be commended for requesting and publishing it.

(...). I had always towed the party line about the evil Serbs and their misdeeds, but have changed my tune after reading this enlightening, if disturbing book. Some may accuse Chomsky of being an apologist for Serb atrocities, but it is clear after reading this text that all sides, most notably NATO, were engaged in quite troublesome behavior that cost many thousands of lives. I heard Bill O' Reilly dismiss Chomsky as a "revisionist," and it is sadly interesting that most critics of this and similar works simply stick a "communist", "liberal", or "revisionist" label on the author without ever addressing the points made within the work. If you are looking for a wealth of facts on deceitful and imperialist American policy in Serbia/Yugoslavia and Indonesia/East Timor, I doubt if a better source could be found.

Here Chomsky compares and contrasts the responses of western governments (specifically, those of Clinton's USA and Blair's Britain) to two instances of "ethnic cleansing", both of which received extensive media attention at the end of the millennium. In Kosovo, there was NATO intervention, a 78-day bombing campaign, and a much-publicised war crimes tribunal; in East Timor, at the very most, a few regretful shakes of the head and perhaps the suspicion that we are not, as yet, quite living up to our high ideals of truth, justice and liberty. Chomsky collates some of the facts underlying this apparent irony and shows that, as usual, the paradox has a rather simple solution. For example: (1) The indictment against Milosevic confines itself largely to crimes committed after the bombing began; it seems logical to assume that (a) "ethnic cleansing" in Kosovo was not a major motivation for the bombing, and (b) any crimes committed before the bombing are not a major concern of our new generation of moral crusaders. Nevertheless, on the grounds that they sanctioned and participated in "ethnic cleansing", Milosevic and his cronies have been routinely portrayed as the worst enemies of human life and moral decency since Adolf Hitler. (2) The 1999 massacre in East Timor (much advertised in advance as the inevitable consequence if a referendum concerning independence from Indonesia should go the wrong way) was the latest episode in an extremely well-documented record of slaughter dating from the Indonesian invasion of 1975. All the atrocities, including the accession to power of the Indonesian leader Suharto in 1965, with its attendant third of a million casualties, were carried out with western backing and with US armament and training. The solution to that paradox, then, is obvious: the west has, as is traditional, no problem with genocide just so long as it's done by the right people. Chomsky is adept at drawing out the salient points (e.g. the timing of the Serbian war crimes indictment noted above) from voluminous and often skewed information; and, as befits a scientist, his sources of evidence are painstakingly documented. The focus on two contrasted sets of events throws the Standards of the West into sharp and unpleasant perspective.

Chomsky uses the NATO bombing of Milosevic as a framework for analyzing the direction of Western foreign policy, specifically in East Timor. While NATO (remember, not UN) forces were destroying non-military targets and infrastructure in the name of a "just cause", US sponsored paramilitaries were rampaging through E Timor slaughtering thousands. It is the awareness of this hypocrisy (as well as the well documented FACT that NATO bombing would worsen the humanitarian crisis it was designed to alleviate) that forms the framework for his analysis. With recent events in the world (easy to predict for those of us who actually know our own foreign policy, our history, and the history of the regions and people in question) Chomsky is one of the few, non PC, intellectuals who are willing to actually hold their own nation to the standards that we hold other nations to. Not surprisingly, CNN, Fox, and the other worthless entertainment disseminators masquerading as flag-waving "news" outlets refuse to cover the obvious issues raised by Chomsky (or Zinn, Fisk, Pilger, Nader, Roy, Herman, Said; the list is much to long to list). Oh well, its just the bodies and misery of the "evildoers" (read: Bush Daddy's old friends who no longer know their place) that are piling up in the name of corporate US hegemony. Also, beware of negative reviews like the one above (nothing wrong with negative reviews, but it woiuld be nice if they would at least attempt to deal with and refute Chomsky's thesis) that quote passages completely out of context.

Readers should be aware that this book was published in 1991, with a different title, "Indonesia's Forgotten War: The Hidden History of East Timor". The only differences are an updated chronology and one new chapter about recents events since 1998. The 1990s are not carefully treated.

Professor Taylor in this book presents a pretty thorough history of East Timor. He lays emphasis on the development of its indiginous culture particularly the kinship system which helped it survive Portugese rule and the barbaric Indonesian occupation. He examines the efforts of foreign powers particularly the United States and Australia and even Portugal (at least until the early 80's) to support Indonesia taking over East Timor, the United States taking the lead in replenishing Indonesia with advanced weapons when it ran into trouble as before its "encirclement and annihilation" campaigns of the late 70's.

He examines the East Timorese indigenous culture including the kinship system which is deeply ingrained in the society and helped it survive Portugese rule and (just barely) Indonesian rule; up until 1990 the major Indonesian military campaigns (Persuatan, the dreadful Fence of Legs, etc.), the World Bank funded forced sterilization of Timorese women, some of the major massacres, the ideology of Fretilin, the "resettlement villages," the economic activities of companies like P.T. Denok in East Timor, the visits of foreign journalists and delegations of politicians, the apologetics for the Indonesian regime by the Catholic Relief services.

I think that his rather long introduction about the September 1999 incident and the chronicles of events during the 90's in the timeline at the end of the book serve as more than adequate updates. However I think he is rather too soft on the role (or lack there of) of the Western powers during the 1999 crises. Those countries continued to have normal military and diplomatic relations with Indonesia up until about two weeks into the crises when East Timor was basically destroyed and its population driven from their homes, when they finally engaged in minimally serious gestures, temporarily suspendeding military relations with Indonesia and agreed to a peackeeping force which was probably not needed under the pressure of Australian public opinion. Very little effort was made to conduct war crimes trials or investigations or help the country seriously rebuild from the years of destruction and occupation which America and its allies were in large part responsible for. There's alot more that can be said about this but the criticisms of Indonesia by U.S. leaders in the months leading up to the crises which Taylor lays great stress on are completely worthless.

In anycase a minor flaw; this is a very good introduction to East Timor, if slightly dry here and there with small print.

John Taylor simply sets the standard, with this new and comprehensive text, on a subject in which he has long been an authority. The book is tremendously comprehensive, approaching a variety of issues relating to East Timor's past and recent history as well as the present. It offers analyses, always well substantiated, and without giving excessive space to the author's own subjective views. It is well written and easy-to-read. All in all, it is a book that should be read by anyone studying this topic, whether a beginner or expert.

The author gives a basic yet horrifying description of Indonesia's mass murder and terror against the people of East Timor, heavily supported from its inception by the United States and its allies. Its short length inevitably gives it a certain superficiality; I don't think the author is quite able to impart the full horror of the tragedy. But the basic facts are cogent enough and should give American citizens pause for painful but important reflections on how their government actually conducts foreign policy and what they can do to stop it from supporting tyranny and genocide.

This edition was published some months before the orgy of murder and terror of last September and thus the author did not have the opportunity to bring the story full circle.

I found Matthew Jardine's book next to a cash register at LAX (Los Angeles International Airport) one day on my way to a flight.

I read it from cover to cover during the one hour flight and even though I was already familiar with the basic history of East Timor, the book informed me in a concise and well written manner, condensing the essense of that tragic history into a few dozen pages........I strongly recommend that anyone interested in what is happening on this planet read this book.

This is a great introduction to East Timor, but with the situation changing so rapidly, and with tremendously heightened interest, it's understandble that people would like to know more. One place to find out is the East Timor Action Network.